Kathmandu: The conflict between the Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah and leadership of the ruling party, the CPN-UML, seems to be deepening as the two sides show no sign of rapprochement.
In
the latest episode, the KMC has fined the ruling UML Rs100,000 for littering
the streets of the capital city Kathmandu while holding a mass meet on Friday.
Within hours of the conclusion of the UML’s ‘Awakening rally against anarchy’
at Durbarmarg in downtown Kathmandu, the KMC made public a decision saying that
the city office had fined the ruling party.
But
the UML leadership took serious exception to the mayor’s action.
“It
can be understood that Kathmandu Metropolis Mayor Balen [Balendra] has been used
[by someone] against the CPN-UML, which has become clearer after the issuance
of today’s ‘pamphlet’,” UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel wrote on Facebook
a few hours after the issuance of the city office’s fine notice. He claimed
that members of the rally organising committee were busy cleaning the area on
their own when the metropolitan officials issued the notice.
KMC
representatives reached the UML party office in Chyasal on Sunday to hand over
the receipt of the fine issued on Friday. After the party refused to receive
it, the notice of fine was sent to the party office by email today (Monday),
said Nabin Manandhar, KMC spokesperson.
UML’s
office secretary, Bhisma Adhikari, denied the allegations that the party
littered the street during the rally. If there had been rubbish, our cadres
would have cleaned it up. Adhikari said, “But the KMC issued a notice against
us to defame our party, which is a politically motivated action.”
Adhikari
also stated that his party wouldn’t pay the fine and that the party office had
not received any mail from the KMC.
The
City’s assistant spokesperson, Dhurba Kumar Kafle, differs. Kafle says a team
from the environment department and the metropolitan police were present at the
demonstration venue. It was only after inspecting the ground that the KMC
slapped a fine, he said.
Political
observers say the KMC has been selective in imposing the fine.
They,
however, criticised the party for disrupting the traffic on Friday, badly
affecting people’s daily lives.
“Picking
a party to impose a fine but turning a blind eye to similar activities carried
out by other parties shows the City’s bias,” Keshav Dahal, a political analyst,
said. “To prove they are not biased, the KMC from now on should penalise other
political forces and groups as well for carrying out similar activities.”
For
the past few months, the streets of Kathmandu have witnessed many protests by
various political parties. Before the UML, the main opposition party, CPN
(Maoist Centre), organised a protest rally on October 26 in Kathmandu. Until
recently, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) was in the street, holding
multiple street protests in Kathmandu, claiming the arrest of their party chief
Rabi Lamichhane was politically motivated.
The
City spokesperson Manandhar denied the allegation of being biased.
“When
the other parties had organised protests, the KMC did not see the necessity of
issuing a fine as there was less garbage,” Manandhar said. “But the UML’s
gathering compelled us to issue a notice of fine.”
Jhalak
Subedi, a political analyst, however thinks both the UML and the KMC are
engaging in stunts.
“The
City issued a fine against UML and the UML put up a vehement denial after being
imposed a fine. Both were doing stunts,” Subedi said. But it would have been
more mature of the UML to respond to the KMC as per existing laws, he added.
“If
there is a lack of a policy in this connection, the UML could have vowed to
bring the policy so that such incidents can be better handled in the future,”
Subedi said.
On
April 9, the KMC had fined the Rastriya Prajantra Party (RPP) Rs5,000 for
littering the streets of Kathmandu while staging a protest. Recalling the
episode, Nilkantha Kafle, the treasurer of the RPP, said that the party had
paid the fine.
“We
realised that we could have made a mistake by not cleaning up the streets after
demonstrations. So we paid the fine,” Kafle said.
Political
analyst Subedi reckons the latest incident could be the result of bitter
relations between UML chair KP Sharma Oli and KMC mayor Balendra Shah.
Of
late, Prime Minister Oli and other leaders from his party have been engaged in
one after another dispute with Mayor Shah.
On
June 3, Shah accused Oli of engaging in ‘policy corruption’ by being involved
in illegal land swap of Giri Bandhu Tea Estate in Jhapa.
After
that, then deputy prime minister and minister for Physical Infrastructure and
Transport Raghubir Mahaseth tried to halt the mayor’s plan to widen pavements
in the Capital’s New Road area. Mayor Shah even sent metropolitan workers to
dump a truckload of dirt in front of the office of the road department, which
is under Mahaseth’s ministry.
In
September, Mayor Shah criticised Prime Minister Oli for failing to take action
against UML provincial assembly member Rekha Sharma, who was accused of abusing
a child domestic worker for eight years.
“The
court has also decided to prosecute the accused,” Shah wrote on Facebook.
“Respected prime minister, good governance entails taking action against your
lawmaker accused of domestic violence.”
“Perhaps
to you, good governance is limited to announcing a compensation of Rs100,000 and
shedding crocodile tears on Facebook over her death,” Mayor Shah wrote on the
social media post.
Previously,
the UML and Mayor Shah had argued for and against implementing the Supreme
Court ruling that ordered vacating the Bagmati riverside land.
The
duel between Kathmandu’s 34-year-old mayor Balendra Shaha (popularly called
Balen), a structural engineer, reputed rapper and political novice, and
72-year-old Khagda Prasad Sharma Oli, a high school dropout, two-time prime
minister, political veteran and chairperson of the Communist Party of Nepal
(United Marxist Leninist) is a caricature of contemporary Nepali politics
marred by the conflict between the old and the young. The duel has attracted
numerous newspaper articles, set social media on fire and provided YouTubers a
field day.
What
is Oli’s motive in mobilising his whole party to attack Balen, and what is
Balen—a lone man with no political experience and political following—doing
picking a fight with Oli? How will the duel impact Oli’s party and Balen’s
aspirations going forward?
The
fight
The
Balen-Oli fight began when the metropolitan city started to clear buildings
built illegally on municipal land or business advertisements that did not
comply with municipal regulations. The city would order the current occupants
of the offending buildings or business owners to comply with the law and vacate
the premises. In most cases, the occupants would ignore the order. Like in old
times, they relied on their political connections to continue to subvert the
law. However, that did not work with Balen. He sent municipal forces to
demolish the encroachment and non-compliant adverts. The first property
subjected to the mayor's action belonged to someone connected to the UML. Soon
after the clearance, a Central Committee member of the UML, Mahesh Basnet, called
upon his minions to physically harm Balen if he did not “mend his ways”.
Balen’s
attempt to clean up Kathmandu from squatters occupying public land,
particularly river banks, intensified the conflict. Oli publicly mocked Balen
for using bulldozers to demolish plastic shades built by “poor squatters.” Some
“squatters” are believed to occupy multistory buildings constructed on public
land and own businesses worth millions of rupees. The majority of them are UML
voters, “UMLs’ vote bank”, observed a Balen supporter. The squatter problem is
not new. All previous governments, including the one led by Oli, recognised it.
The
conflict became increasingly acrimonious when Balen opened the basement of
Dharahara for car parking. The government objected, arguing that the
reconstruction of Dharahara is still incomplete and the car park is unsafe to
use. Balen retorted, “Dharahara was inaugurated as a completed project by Prime
Minister Oli before the last election. How can it be incomplete?” The
inauguration of the work-in-progress was one of Prime Minister Oli’s
pre-election charades. The car park is safe and currently in use; the
reconstruction continues.
The
recent New Road imbroglio added fuel to the fire. Balen started widening the
footpath on New Road to comply with the standards set by the Nepal Department
of Roads (NDR). A local ward chair, a UML member, objected and complained to
the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport headed by Deputy Prime
Minister Ragubhir Mahaseth, an Oli acolyte. The NDR, which reports to Mahaseth,
issued a “stop work” order. Incensed, Balen asked Oli to expeditiously arrange
repayment for those who cheated the so-called Giri Bandhu Tea Estate land
plotting scandal. Oli’s apparatchiks compared Balen to “a puppy” (a good-for-nothing
weakling) and chastised him for maligning “our respected Chairman”. Oli himself
has described Balen as a “bubble” which will fizzle out in no time.
The
fighters
Oli
is old, witty, foxy, prickly, intolerant of criticism and, like all other politicians,
corrupt in the public eye. As enunciated during his premiership, his vision of
economic development includes building view towers, providing Kathmandu
households with piped gas within six months, and building facilities for
maritime trade—the latter two unachievable pipe dreams or political ploys.
Balen
is young, angry, ambitious, audacious, brash, bold, impulsive, focussed and
untainted by corruption. His vision for Kathmandu is to make it a clean,
functioning, beautiful heritage city. In about two years since he became mayor,
Kathmandu has become relatively cleaner and greener. Its roads are rid of
perpetual potholes; its sidewalks are walkable; teaching standards in public
schools have improved; private schools who were short-changing on paying taxes
have been forced to pay their share; emergency ambulance service has become
more dependable, and so on. All of the above, despite a lack of support from
political parties and the government. Parties do not support him because his
success will spotlight their past failures.
Despite
the odds, his accomplishments have made him hugely popular throughout the
country. “If we have ten leaders like Balen, we can change the country,” an
exuberant Kathmandu taxi driver told me. Even the international press has taken
note of Balen’s leadership. The New York Times published a story on Balen last
year. He was named one of the 100 upcoming leaders in 2023 by the
internationally known Time Magazine, published in the US.
Balen’s
public support is so visceral that he gets away even with outrageous comments
like “burning Singha Durbar’, Nepal’s central secretariat, the office of
Nepal’s Ministries, and irrelevant dragging of Oli into the “Giri Bandhu Tea
Estate” scandal, and other similar outbursts.
Although
the overwhelming support for such comments on social media is surprising, it is
indicative of the intensity of public dislike of established politicians.
The
future
Balen
knows that he owes his popularity as much to his performance as his refusal to
bow down to political pressure and to stay clean from corruption scandals. In
the two years since he assumed office, he has given confidence to the city
dwellers that with exemplary leadership, the city and the country can be
changed. His future depends on whether he can continue to ignore political
pressure and demonstrate his perseverance, will, guts and vision to turn
chaotic Kathmandu into a livable metropolis.
As
for Oli, UML lost the last election in Kathmandu because its mayor, a UML
member, was a dismal failure. The confrontation with Balen for political
upmanship and ego inflation will unlikely win Kathmandu for him. Cooperation
may work better than confrontation.
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