Nepal: It was wheat-harvesting time in Sudurpaschim in April 2002. On
the second day of the month, Ramila and her sisters were resting at home after
working in the fields all morning. At noon, a joint patrol of Nepal Army and
Armed Police Force came and encircled their house. They barged in and started
assaulting all members of the family accusing them of being Maoists.
Ramila’s
elder sister had gone underground a year earlier after joining the Maoist party
at the height of the insurgency. But other members of the family didn’t have
any link with the party. But the security personnel wouldn’t agree. After
showering kicks and punches on all family members indiscriminately, they took
Ramila along. With a blindfold and tying her hands behind her back, she was
taken on a truck. An eighth grader at a local school, she was just 14 then.
The security personnel started molesting her from the time she
boarded the army truck. “They started touching my sensitive parts, which only
increased until the journey ended,” she told the Post. That evening she was
taken to the Armed Police Force Battalion at Banbehada in Kailali district. She
was tortured and forced to confess that she was involved in attacking a police
post a few days back. At midnight, she, along with other arrestees, was taken
to Teghari Army barracks in the district.
Ramila
was produced before a Nepal Army Major for the purpose of recording her
statement, where she was raped. “I would be taken to a room for my statement
whenever the Major or others would want to rape me. This would generally happen
at night,” she said.
There
wasn’t a single day for around two weeks in the Teghari barrack when she wasn’t
raped by multiple army personnel. As she was kept blindfolded, she didn’t see
the rapists. “However, I will recognise the Major’s voice. That sound haunts me
to this day,” said Ramila.
Ramila
was taken back to the Armed Police Force battalion from the army barracks. The
torture didn’t stop, nor the rape episodes. In her four months in army and
police custodies, she was beaten, kicked, pinned in the hands, not to mention
the dozens of instances of rape.
The security forces then had a free hand in arresting and
keeping “suspects” captive for as long as they wanted without producing them
before the court after the then Sher Bahadur Deuba government imposed a state
of emergency in November 2001. Most such incidents happened during the
emergency, be they rapes, killings or enforced disappearances. People like
Ramila from the marginalised indigenous communities suffered the most.
However,
the state has never recognised them. They haven’t even received any interim
relief, let alone being given justice and bringing their perpetrators to book.
Lodging complaints against the security forces was not possible until the
2006’s Comprehensive Peace Accord. Through the agreement, the parties promised
justice to the victims of the insurgency-era atrocities. However, around 17
years later, justice remains elusive.
The victims of rape and sexual violence are among those who have
been neglected the most. Neither has the state provided them any interim relief
like those given to the victims of enforced disappearances or to the families
of those murdered, nor has it taken any initiative to conduct serious
investigation of the pain inflicted on them. That has left victims like Ramila
in a lurch.
Following
continuous indifference from the government, victims like Ramila have started a
campaign to put pressure on the state to heeding their concerns by forming a
network called the National Organisation of Conflict Rape Victims. Led by a
former Constituent Assembly member and CPN (Maoist Centre) leader Devi Khadka,
the organisation held its first gathering in May last year and its national
meeting this week.
“We have realised that our concerns will never be addressed
unless we fight for it ourselves,” Khadka, herself a victim of rape at the
hands of the police in Dolakha, told the Post. One Tuesday, they met Prime
Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal demanding immediate relief, setting up of a
separate mechanism to study the cases of rape and sexual violence as well as a
peace fund to support such victims. Dahal, according to the victims, is
positive on their demands.
Khadka
said most such victims have not lodged their complaints with the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission, because it is not easy for them to open up. It is,
therefore, necessary to set up a separate mechanism, be it within the
commission or outside, to probe such incidents.
Records at the truth commission shows that among 63,700 cases it
has received, 314 are related to rape or sexual violence during the insurgency.
In 2018, a study team comprising Manchala Jha and Madhabi Bhatta, then members
of the commission, was formed to suggest relief and reparations to such victims
after consulting them. Although they submitted their report recommending
immediate counselling, treatment and interim relief for the victims, that never
materialised.
The
government has also ignored the decision of the United Nations Human Rights
Committee. Deciding on at least two of the cases of the insurgency-era sexual
violence, the UN committee called on
Khadka,
the coordinator of the victims’ committee, said less than 10 percent of the
victims have lodged their complaints at the truth commission. If her assessment
is anything to go by, the number of rape victims stands at over 1,000 and those
who suffered sexual harassment number in thousands.
Most
of them haven’t filed complaints because it is a sensitive issue and victims
are afraid to come forward as they don’t trust the existing system. “Unlike
others, the victims of sexual violence cannot even share their pain with their
family. Only they know how they are living,” Khadka said. “I urge the
government to realise the facts and act before it is too late.”
(The name of
the victim in the story has been changed to protect her identity).
Binod Ghimire
kathmandupost
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