It, however, was
short-lived as King Mahendra hijacked it through a royal-military coup in 1960. He
took direct control of the executive authority from the leaders who were
elected for the first time by the people. It took 30 years to end the rule of the
Palace until the Nepali people in 1990 launched a decisive protest to restore
democracy in the country.
The country adopted a multiparty democracy with
constitutional monarchy. Freedom of speech, right to equality and other civil
and political rights were enshrined in the 1990 constitution. That,
however, didn’t get translated into actions, fully. The parties elected to
power failed to live up to the expectations of the people. They were more
focused on petty partisan interests and leaders paid little attention to people
and their concerns who yearned for development and prosperity.
Six years into democracy, the Communist Party of
Nepal-Maoist waged an armed struggle against the state which it said was to
establish the “rule of the people.”
The non-performance of the mainstream political parties fueled the Maoist
movement. As the country fell into deep uncertainties, King Gyanendra,
following the path of his father, usurped power in 2005. He
sabotaged the democratic institutions which prompted political parties, including
the Maoists, and the people from different walks of life to unite together
against Gyanedra’s absolute rule.
That movement against Gyanedra in 2006 lasted 19 days.
Gyanedra finally capitulated. People's power prevailed. Multiparty democracy
was restored. The ground for turning
The country became a republic, the Hindu kingdom turned into
a secular nation and transitioned into a federal set-up abandoning the decades
long centralised system of governance. It is the contribution of the 2006
revolution that the country adopted the principles of inclusion in the state
machinery though much needs to be
done for them to be institutionalised.
Political analysts say the major achievement of the
different revolutions is the shift in the political system.
“There have been paradigm changes in the political system.
However, it hasn’t yielded expected results,” Rajendra Maharjan, a political
analyst, told the Post. “It is because the same old faces continued to be in
power despite changes in the political system.”
In his view, the same “dirty politics” that was dominant
after the 1990 people’s revolution continues even to this day as the political
behaviour and political culture of the parties remain the same. Democratisation
of the existing parties and their leadership is a major challenge at present.
Analysts say despite contributions of the people from
different communities in democratic movements in the country, there couldn’t be
economic and cultural transformations. The marginalised communities continue to
suffer economically and culturally. A large number of the people from the Dalit
community, for instance, still don’t possess land, say analysts.
“Inequality is rife. Only a certain section is enjoying
state benefits,” Daman Nath Dhungana, a former Speaker and a civil society
member, told the Post. “Our leaders do not have any agenda for development. Nor
are they committed to addressing the concerns of the people, especially those
from the marginalised communities that have suffered oppression for long.”
Dhungana says the political transformation alone makes no
sense unless every section of society feels that there is the state for the
people to look after them.
The Constitution of Nepal promulgated
in 2015 envisions an inclusive state. Article 42 states that representation in
the state machinery should be based on the principles of inclusion. However,
other than specified in the constitution and laws, the government and parties
have always been hesitant in ensuring representation of women and other
communities. Neither the Cabinet nor the constitutional and ambassadorial
nominations, for instance, are inclusive.
According to experts, democracy can be strengthened only
when the people are empowered.
“However, least has been done to empower the people as the
parties have been constantly bickering for power,” Meena Vaidya Malla, a former
professor of political science at the
She says had the parties been committed to the country and
the people, a lot could have been achieved after 1990 and 2006.
Observers say even though the country has gone through
different revolutions and embraced different political systems, political
parties are still unclear on what kind of security policy and foreign policy
the country should adopt. “This is necessary because oftentimes external
politics gets intertwined with domestic policies,” said Dhungana.
Some political experts believe there is a need for yet
another revolution in the country as dissatisfaction among the people is
rising.
Maharjan says discontent is brewing in society, but how and
when it will erupt is difficult to predict.
“All the revolutions so far have been political. I believe
the country is waiting for an economic or cultural revolution,” he said. “A new
revolt is inevitable as only a certain section has benefitted from the changes
so far.”
Dhunanga also says a new revolution may happen but he says
that is not possible in the near future. According to him, no alternative force
has emerged to pose a challenge to the existing parties.
“The existing parties aren’t changing because there is no powerful
force to challenge them,” he said. “I think the country will continue to move
ahead in the same fashion as it has been, at least for a while.”
✍Binod Ghimire
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